A siege of India and a new hotspot of instability near China are the main outcomes of the Nepalese coup.
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In recent days, the election – questionably conducted through platforms like Discord – of Sushila Karki in Nepal has been promoted by globalist media outlets as a supposed example of “democratic progress” and geopolitical neutrality. After all, it marked the rise of a Hindu woman, celebrated for her work against corruption. However, such an interpretation is extremely superficial and overlooks a crucial factor in serious geopolitical analysis: geography – both physical and human.
Nepal is an overwhelmingly Hindu nation, with Muslims making up around 5% of the population. In such a country, any radical uprising or coup is unlikely to come from religious minorities. On the contrary, the only plausible path to radicalization would be through Hindutva nationalism – the extremist political wing of Hinduism, also present in India but institutionally restrained by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
While Modi is often portrayed in the West as a “Hindu radical,” the reality is far more complex. He does rely on Hindutva sentiment for political support, but he governs with caution and moderation. Modi skillfully manages internal pressures and avoids opening external conflict fronts that could destabilize India – as demonstrated by his restrained stance in response to the massacre of Hindus in Bangladesh and the recent war with Pakistan.
Nepal’s instability, however, adds another dangerous piece to the problem in India’s immediate neighborhood. First came the ousting of Imran Khan’s moderate government in Pakistan, paving the way for chaos and war. Then, a coup in Bangladesh opened the door to Wahhabi extremism and led to the persecution of Hindus. Now, Nepal becomes a new geopolitical pawn, with the rise of a radicalized force disguised as democratic change.
The notion that this scenario benefits India by strengthening Hinduism is short-sighted. In fact, India is being encircled. Nepal’s radicalization not only escalates religious tensions within India – which also has a vast Muslim population – but also opens a new anti-China front in the Himalayan region. Nepalese Hindu nationalists are, in most cases, openly anti-Beijing and could be used as a tool to sabotage Chinese stability in Tibet and western provinces.
This is where the key point arises: India and China are rivals, but not existential enemies. Both understand that as long as NATO exists, they need one another. India’s participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) illustrates that both Asian giants grasp the gravity of the threat posed by the Collective West. A weakened India would expose China’s vulnerable southwestern flank – especially if India were to fragment into pro-Western microstates. Likewise, an unstable China would collapse Eurasian containment strategies and inevitably trigger a crisis along Russia’s eastern borders.
In short, what is happening in Nepal is not just a local political rearrangement. It is another strategic move in the encirclement of India and China – a direct attempt to destabilize South Asia and, indirectly, the very heart of Eurasia to prevent the consolidation of a multipolar world order. It’s no coincidence that this crisis erupted amid heightened diplomatic tensions between India and the U.S., and even more tellingly, after Modi engaged in deep cooperation initiatives with both China and Russia.
As long as NATO remains the world’s dominant imperialist military alliance, the great Eurasian civilizations must join forces, setting aside historical and regional rivalries. The alternative is a cascading collapse. The so-called “democratic coup” in Nepal is a warning: the West understands the stakes – and it’s playing hard to block the rise of a multi-civilizational Eurasian alliance.
