Turbulent times await us in the EU, with unrest and revolutions, Sonja van den Ende writes.

Join us on Telegram, Twitter, and VK.

Contact us: info@strategic-culture.su

For some time now, there have been tensions between Ukraine and Hungary. It is well known that Hungary is a major opponent of the European proxy war against Russia in the Donbas. For these and other reasons – such as rejecting the LGBTQ agenda and refusing to take in immigrants, whom the European Union calls refugees – Hungary’s Orbán has been labelled the EU’s “bad boy.” But Hungary is not alone in protesting against this proxy war, which is now on the verge of developing into a major European war, or perhaps even a Third World War, even though the Americans claim it has been prevented.

Things have gotten even worse in recent weeks. Under the leadership of the Polish Law and Justice Party (PiS), an ultra-right-wing conservative party, relations between Hungary and Poland were still relatively good. That changed when Poland elected a new prime minister in 2023, Donald Tusk, ending the right-wing party’s rule. Donald Tusk was President of the European Council from 2014 to 2019 and leader of the European People’s Party from 2019 to 2022. He is a true Europhile and, of course, a strong supporter of the proxy war in Ukraine against Russia. But relations between Kiev and Warsaw have also cooled considerably. First, however, let’s address the poor relations between Poland and Hungary.

The fact that a Europhile now governs Poland is only one of the reasons why relations between Hungary and Poland have cooled. Recently, there was a major clash on X between the Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó and his Polish counterpart, Radosław Sikorski. The reason for the clash was the sabotage – or rather, the terrorist attack, since civilians were indirectly affected by this act – in Hungary, where electricity was cut off due to an attack on the Druzhba oil pipeline, cutting off oil deliveries to Hungary.

The accusations flew back and forth, from disputes over the Nord Stream pipeline to determining who was guilty. The escalation continued when Polish Minister Sikorski stated he had investigated Hungary’s role in the conflict. He accused Hungary of the sabotage instead of Ukraine. Sikorski wrote on X: “By the way, the attack on the Russian oil pumping station seems to have been carried out by Hungary. Bravo! For our freedom and yours!” This was obviously not well received, and Prime Minister Orbán accused Ukraine in a statement of sabotaging the Druzhba pipeline.

Another issue, perhaps not the biggest but one that plays a role in the background of the many problems between Hungary and Poland, is the decision to grant political asylum to  former Polish Deputy Minister of Justice from the PiS party. Hungary has granted asylum to Marcin Romanowski, who is accused of criminal offenses and was recently placed on the international wanted list.

The disagreement between Hungary and Ukraine is not new, as Hungary opposes the proxy war against Russia, but it has escalated between the two countries. In early May 2025, Ukraine and Hungary each expelled two diplomats in a tit-for-tat move following accusations of espionage. The Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) revealed that it had uncovered a Hungarian state spy network gathering defence information, leading to the expulsion of two Hungarian diplomats. Hungary responded by expelling two Ukrainian diplomats and labelling Ukraine’s accusations as “propaganda.”

Another problem, according to Hungary, is the treatment of the Hungarian minority living in Ukraine. They are said to be discriminated against and denied many of their rights, such as the right to their language. This is a déjà vu of the Donbass, where Russian speakers were discriminated against for exactly the same reasons, which was one of the catalysts for the conflict. This is likely also one of the reasons why Hungary opposes the European proxy war in Ukraine.

Then we come to the relationship between Poland and Ukraine, which has also been changing in recent weeks. The pain and differences, dating back to World War II, were of course already there; they were simmering, suppressed by Poland’s participation in the proxy war against Russia. Under the leadership of the PiS party, relations with Russia were, to put it mildly, poor. This was due to an accident that Poland called a terrorist plot by Russia.

Former Polish President Lech Kaczyński and 95 others were killed in a plane crash in Smolensk, Russia. The plane crashed in dense fog on April 10, 2010. Russia was soon accused of terrorism, setting the tone and likely becoming one of the main reasons Poland was and remains extremely fanatical in the proxy war against Russia in Ukraine.

Because of the war in Ukraine (which Europe calls an invasion or war by Russia), Poland has taken in many Ukrainian refugees, including a majority who fled mobilization. A significant drug problem has also developed in Poland. The most horrific drugs are now being produced there, addicting many Ukrainians (and probably Poles as well). For example, it was revealed that a new drug called “bath salts” is being mass-produced in Poland, which has now become the “Mecca” of synthetic drug cartels after the Netherlands.

Many Ukrainian men serving in the army (if they have not already been killed) also come to Poland to visit their families who have refugee status there. Many of these men are addicted to “bath salts,” also known as crystal meth, from which Poland profits by hosting synthetic drug labs.

But that’s not the only thing straining relations between Ukraine and Poland. The Polish president proposed to amend legislation to ban symbols used by Ukrainian nationalists during World War II, referring to the red-and-black flag used by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and the Stepan Bandera wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN).
The UPA was responsible for the Volhynia Massacre, the mass killing of Poles between 1943 and 1945 in German-occupied Poland. Approximately 100,000 Poles were killed in an area that is now western Ukraine.

But not only this amendment could further strain relations between Warsaw and Kiev, which were already tense. Recently, a bill was voted down that would have extended support for Ukrainian refugee children in Poland. About 1.6 million Ukrainians moved to Poland after the conflict began. Although they had access to Polish social security, support is now being blocked as costs spiral out of control.

In retaliation for these two new amendments of Poland, Ukraine passed a new law allowing young men to leave the country. For three years of war, the country banned young men from leaving after they turned 18, leading to an exodus of teenage boys. Now, the country is raising that age to 23. This is partly politically motivated. Young Ukrainians had fled the country en masse, resulting in an exodus at the Polish border.

Relations between the three countries are, to put it mildly, troubled. There are numerous internal and external problems concerning the conflict in Ukraine and the acceptance of refugees. Political differences also play a role. Hungary and Poland are both EU countries. The EU has succeeded in appointing a pro-European prime minister in Poland, but Hungary is still a problem for the EU, as it wants peace with Russia, which is not the EU’s agenda. Hungary’s Christian ideals and anti-LGBTQ sentiment are also very problematic for the bloc.

In recent months, we’ve already seen “colour revolutions” in Romania, Serbia, Georgia, and Moldova. If the EU has its way, Hungary is next. A pro-Ukrainian and pro-war party and president or prime minister must be established in Hungary! The EU will thus follow the example of the many American-colour revolutions that the U.S. has led in the past (and present). Turbulent times await us in the EU, with unrest and revolutions. This will certainly not benefit the EU’s “war agenda,” but it is likely that, radicalized as the EU elites are, they will unfortunately intensify the agenda and remove anyone who stands in their way.