Paedophilia is humanity’s ugliest constant, but outrage needn’t be selective.
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Paedophilia is as old as humanity itself, the festering shadow at civilisation’s heel. Empires built marble monuments while children were violated in backrooms; abbots preached chastity while pawing altar boys; aristocrats toasted fine wines while trafficking street orphans. What changes is not the crime, but the cover story. Fast forward to now: on one side of the Atlantic, a Las Vegas sting targeting predators nets a foreign official— Tom Artiom Alexandrovich, a high-ranking Israeli cyber specialist with ties to Netanyahu—who somehow posts bail and jets back to Tel Aviv before his court date. On the other side, Britain seethes over Asian grooming gangs, with headlines screaming, communities raging, and politicians tripping over themselves to “condemn”. Different continents, same rot.
Let’s start with the hard numbers. In Rochdale, nine men—mostly of Pakistani heritage—were convicted in 2012 for systematically grooming and raping girls as young as 13. The sentences ranged from 4 to 20 years, though many were released early. Rotherham was worse: independent investigators uncovered the industrial-scale abuse of 1,400 children between 1997 and 2013, while authorities looked the other way, terrified of being accused of racism. Huddersfield was equally grotesque: 21 men were found guilty of trafficking, raping, and degrading dozens of young girls. The ringleader received life with a minimum of 18 years, while his associates collected sentences that stacked up to over 220 years in prison.
Now compare that with “white” grooming gangs. Peterborough’s Operation Erle put ten offenders behind bars for raping and exploiting vulnerable girls. Norwich saw a smaller but still brutal network jailed. Banbury and Oxfordshire also had notorious rings. But here’s the distinction: while white gangs committed heinous crimes, the Asian-heritage gangs often operated with larger networks, more victims, and longer timescales. Yet when sentencing comes around, the punishments are eerily similar. A gang with a handful of victims sees its ringleaders jailed for 20 years; a gang with hundreds sees sentences in the same ballpark. The result? The public perceives bias, as though the courts bend over backwards to avoid “looking racist”.
And this isn’t some accident of justice—it feels engineered. Like siblings played off against each other by a toxic parent, society is nudged into believing “they” get away with worse than “us”, ensuring mistrust runs hot and neighbours look sideways instead of upwards.
Nobody plays this orchestrated fury better than Tommy Robinson. His street theatre is always the same: Muslim grooming gangs, Muslim predators, Muslim culture. Never mind that Huddersfield’s ringleader was Sikh or that white gangs exist. In his world, all “brown men” blur into one amorphous threat. Why the tunnel vision? Follow the money. Robinson has long been funded by transatlantic donors with Zionist affiliations—Nina Rosenwald, the conservative heiress whose philanthropy is steeped in pro-Israel causes, and Robert J. Shillman, a tech billionaire with deep ties to the same. They’ve poured six figures into his coffers. Robinson’s outrage is for hire, and the product is division: amplify Muslim offenders, erase white ones, and ignore elite predators entirely.
Of course, paedophilia isn’t the property of one ethnicity, faith, or postcode. Christian sects have been a Petri dish for abuse. The Family International—once known as the Children of God—normalised “sharing” children with adults under the guise of spiritual obedience. Survivors tell of coercion, ritualised exploitation, and brutal silencing. The Jesus Army in the UK ran its own long con, with communal living masking a culture of sexual exploitation dressed up as “purification”. Both operated with the same formula: isolate members, sanctify authority, and weaponise theology.
Religious fanatics weren’t alone. Elites have always kept their own playgrounds. Freud’s Vienna had psychoanalysts obscuring abuse under theoretical jargon. The Franklin scandal in Nebraska revealed a child sex ring tied to political and financial elites in the 1980s. In Britain, the BBC and Westminster scandals—Jimmy Savile chief among them—showed how celebrities and MPs alike operated in plain sight, protected by institutional cowardice. During Keir Starmer’s tenure as head of the CPS, many now argue prosecutions that could have pierced these circles quietly fizzled.
And then there’s Epstein. A man who looked less like a financier and more like an asset handler. His little black book is littered with presidents, princes, and plutocrats. His ties to Israeli figures like Ehud Barak, Mossad and even Netanyahu were never deeply scrutinised. Epstein’s mansion was a theatre of leverage, a stage for kompromat. Attorney General Pam Bondi was even caught on tape suggesting hundreds of tapes exist—showing not teenagers, but prepubescent children being abused. This wasn’t a “lone predator”; it was a paedophile ring on an industrial-scale, justified to use as leverage, dressed up as a lifestyle.
Which brings us back to Israel. Alexandrovich’s Houdini act in Las Vegas wasn’t some fluke. Israel’s Law of Return lets Jews worldwide claim citizenship, and that legal quirk has become a lifeline for accused paedophiles. At least 92 alleged child abusers have fled to Israel under its protection. Worse, Israel’s own system is notoriously lenient: around 80% of sex offence cases are closed without indictment. Alexandrovich’s flight home was merely the latest chapter in a story where predators find sanctuary, not scrutiny. The irony is bitter: while Western media stokes hysteria about “foreign” gangs in Britain, the world’s only Jewish state has quietly become the most reliable bolthole for predators with the right heritage.
When you zoom out, the common threads snap into focus. Power without accountability breeds predators. Segregated communities, whether Asian gangs or Christian cults, provide cover. Institutions—from the Church to the BBC—value brand over children. Elites weaponise money, influence, and intelligence links to shield themselves. And the media? It picks which villains to magnify. Asian men get headlines dripping with ethnicity; white gangs are reduced to “lone monsters”; Israeli officials absconding from U.S. courts barely make the back pages.
The effect is deliberate. Stoke fear of immigrants to enrage the “natives”. Stoke fear of racism to paralyse authorities. Meanwhile, the truly powerful—the Epsteins, the Royals, the Hollywood elites—slip quietly through the cracks.
Paedophilia is humanity’s ugliest constant, but outrage needn’t be selective. Every child raped by a Huddersfield gang deserves the same fury as one trafficked in Peterborough, one preyed on in a parish hall, or one filmed in Epstein’s mansion. The demand must be universal: no sanctuary, no loopholes, no cover-ups.
We should not condemn whole races, religions, or classes. We should condemn individuals, institutions, and systems that protect predators. And we should demand reform so that impunity—whether in Rotherham council, Westminster’s corridors, or Tel Aviv’s arrivals hall—finally ends.
Because until the Alexandroviches of the world can no longer board a plane home, until elites can no longer buy silence, until the media stops playing tribal games, the shadowed playground remains open. And it is children, always children, who pay the admission price.