By Duncan MOENCH

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He condemned America to its doom loop

It’s generally considered bad form to begin any obituary of the recently deceased with a list of strikes and demerits. But with Richard Bruce Cheney, it’s a rule we must discard. Prior to Trump’s rise, “Dick” Cheney was the most reviled figure of the early 21st century — treated throughout the 2000s and early 2010s as one of America’s great home‑grown villains. He was the behind‑the‑scenes architect not only of the disastrous Iraq War, but the so‑called “War on Terror” and its attendant torture regime.

If all that weren’t bad enough, Cheney was also a chief engineer of what historians call the “Imperial Presidency” — an institutional development in which the executive office routinely ignores or exceeds constitutional limits, particularly in matters of foreign policy and war powers. That precedent was later used by Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton to bypass Congress and overthrow Muammar Gaddafi’s regime in Libya, sending the nation into a death‑spiral where the slave trade again became legal. Obama’s administration also invoked the Imperial Presidency to carry out extrajudicial techno‑militarist killings of “enemies of state” via drones in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia. And now, thanks to Cheney’s pioneering zeal, we have a sitting US president who uses his contempt for limits on his power to impose a sweeping global tariff regime and create a massive domestic agency that rounds up unwanted immigrants.

Cheney was indeed, as has been repeated endlessly in recent days, the most powerful vice president in all US history. It is a fact sure to appear in the opening line of every obituary, encyclopaedia entry, and perhaps even chiselled into his epitaph. But a better way of understanding his fame is that Cheney was the Rasputin of the worst US presidential administration of the modern era. While Grigori Rasputin remains perhaps the most distressingly evil, dark magicians of all time — whispering insane advice that led Czar Nicholas II and the Romanov’s to ruin — Dick Cheney had the same effect on George W. Bush, but in a far more mundane, Americana‑like manner. In the lead‑up to the Iraq War, in his seemingly humble and even‑tempered Midwestern tone, Cheney frequently made speeches and appeared on television, pushing for “preemptive” action” to address the grave threat of Iraqi “weapons of mass destruction.”

Declassified memos and later congressional testimony show that Cheney and his aides pressured not just President Bush, but the intelligence agencies to overstate Iraq’s “WMDs.” Cheney was also the one who, after September 11th, authorized the NSA’s warrantless wire‑tapping program, which made the entire US population a target of the kind of at‑scale eavesdropping that Rasputin could have only dreamed of.  In the end, as with Rasputin’s spooky mystical sway over the Romanovs, Cheney’s clandestine maneuvering resulted in a disastrous presidential administration — one that historians will likely conclude broke the American empire, wasting $4-6 trillion on an absurd quest to bring Anglo‑style democracy to the Islamic world.

Cheney’s financial ties to the American war machine were, however, more direct. Before joining the 2000 ticket, he served as CEO of Halliburton, the giant energy‑services firm. Critics frequently pointed to the overlap between his corporate past and the Bush administration’s contracting choices. Halliburton and its subsidiary KBR emerged as major recipients of lucrative, often no‑bid, contracts for reconstruction, logistics, and fuel services in Iraq — awards that watchdogs and congressional investigators repeatedly flagged for poor oversight and the appearance of favouritism.

Put simply, Cheney helped normalise a revolving door between government and corporate power that turned war into a revenue stream for his affiliated investments and contractors. The grotesque entanglement of private interest profiteering and public violence is now a permanent feature of American statecraft. Cheney was one of its primary architects. If all this weren’t bad enough, Cheney’s administration was so dreadful that it ultimately produced the Obama‑Biden counter-revolution — which, rather than correcting the economic or military disasters of the Bush years, plagued the nation with the worst aspects of progressive moralism: fixating on tone and etiquette, and insisting the working class mind its manners while recognising the alleged “plight” of elite minorities and privileged professionals.

“At least the Democrats didn’t start the Iraq War” was a line that justified this incessant fence-sitting moralising. The result is that we now inhabit a country where the collective shine on the American state has dulled to the point that many Millennials and Gen Z question the value of democracy altogether, while allied nations warn their citizens that we may no longer be a safe place to visit. Meanwhile, both major parties are run by self‑dealing opportunists, raiding the public coffers for their donors, investors, and cronies alike. Biden and Trump might have taken this approach to governance to its extreme, but Cheney, as the kids say, “hit it first”.

Thus we’re left to ask — is the tragicomedy of late‑stage American politics all Dick Cheney’s fault? Hardly. But, at the start of the 21st century, Cheney contributed more than most to the doom loop Americans now occupy. Appropriate to George W. Bush’s Austin statehouse origins, the Iraq War initiated a Texas two‑step of national self‑destruction. The first step was the war itself. The second was melting the brains of the Gen‑X Left, who would create the first iteration of “resistance” liberalism — the so‑called “Anybody‑But‑Bush” milieu.

Strange as it is in retrospect, my first real job in journalism was at the media headquarters of the 2004 “Anybody‑But‑Bush” movement, writing radio news at the notoriously unlistenable Air America Radio, designed to be a “Fox News for Democrats”. Not only did the radio network launch the coastal‑centric and insufferably elitist careers of Rachel Maddow, Marc Maron, and Sam Seder, it did something far more impactful in the long term. Along with Jon Stewart’s The Daily Show, the station helped establish the Democratic Party propaganda framework that would become the blueprint for most of American legacy media in the 2010s and early 2020s. And it did so — as I witnessed personally — under the very specific auspices of the Bush‑Cheney regime’s grotesqueness. The first name on the marquee was widely presumed to be little more than a figurehead for Cheney and Karl Rove, the true masterminds behind the curtain.

While sitting at my computer on election night over two decades ago now, with the outcome still in doubt, I had to look away as the station’s executives became physically aroused at the prospect of John Kerry prevailing in Ohio. Days earlier, I had placed bets with several co‑workers in the newsroom predicting that Kerry would lose to the Bush‑Cheney machine. Over and over, I’d tried to explain that there was simply no way a self‑serious, blue-blood like Kerry would ever be welcomed by Middle American voters.

None of my co‑workers considered this rationale worthy of consideration, even when it proved correct. In their minds, the only people who voted for Bush and Cheney were “racists” or “rubes”. Their white‑hot hatred for the Cheney‑run administration overshadowed any desire to treat cultural politics as something delicate and worthy of respect. It’s a mindset that’s still predominant throughout the Washington‑to‑NYC “Acela corridor” establishment media.

A decade before Trump Derangement Syndrome became a tangible phenomenon, Bush and Cheney anticipated it by dissolving the rational critical-thinking capacity of the wealthy Gen X Democratic Party apparatchiks. Despite their inability to reconcile the reality of Bush’s everyman appeal — and the abject failure of their network to turn a profit — this group of pseudo‑journalists broadcasting from the 41st floor of Park Avenue South ultimately created the partisan model that took over mainstream media in the decades to come.

Air America Radio became the prototype for MSNBC — which eventually provided the audience strategy for the New York Times, The New Yorker, and what remained of the Condé Nast media empire. A world where “conservative” is nearly as dirty a label as “pedophile”, and anyone “on the Right” is presumed to be a white supremacist. And it all started with their burning hatred for Dick Cheney. He was a conniving and duplicitous but highly effective political puppeteer who, truth be told, they all would have loved to have on their side.

After Trump’s rise, that opportunity came about — and the Democratic establishment took it. So much of the Left‑liberal media, including my former co‑worker Rachel Maddow, who had spent countless hours portraying Cheney as the literal embodiment of evil, overnight turned coat and began calling him a “hero”. Why? Because, once it became a good career move, Cheney joined his daughter in standing against Trump.

A year ago, just before the 2024 election, Cheney declared: “In our nation’s 248‑year history, there has never been an individual who is a greater threat. He tried to steal the last election using lies and violence to keep himself in power after the voters had rejected him. He can never be trusted with power again.” While I personally share the sentiment, it’s quite rich coming from Cheney — the man who personally designed the throne of the Imperial Presidency — to now say what America really needs is devotion to our history of republican checks‑and‑balances rule.

Now that we’ve seen its final turn, Cheney’s career arc — more than anyone’s — exposes the core absurdity of modern Democratic politics. Its deepest drive isn’t New Deal‑style liberalism, or even progressive social tolerance, but what Thomas Frank calls “anti‑populism.” An elitist impulse that exists solely to thwart the (small “d”) democratic desires of working people. Before heading to the great pasture in the sky, Cheney saw the light of anti‑populism, and that’s enough for establishment Democrats to declare him one of their own.

Original article:  unherd.com