Under President Barack Obama, the U.S. government secretly poured billions into a covert operation designed to topple Bashar al-Assad’s government. The CIA’s Timber Sycamore program, one of the agency’s most expensive undertakings, at its peak, funneled $100,000 per Syrian militant trained—many of whom would ultimately fight under the banner of Al-Qaeda-linked factions.
The full extent of Washington’s complicity was laid bare in leaked cables, which revealed a startling admission from Jake Sullivan, then-Deputy Chief of Staff, to Hillary Clinton in 2012: Al-Qaeda “is on our side in Syria.” Brett McGurk, the National Security Council’s coordinator for the Middle East, later labeled Idlib as “the largest Al-Qaeda safe haven since 9/11.”
In a 2020 subcommittee
hearing of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Dana Stroul, who would later become the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (DASD) for the Middle East under the Biden administration, argued that “Russia and Iran do not have the resources to stabilize or rebuild Syria.” She pointed out that the Syrian economy, already reeling, was “continuing to spiral downward,” a situation worsened by the economic crisis in Lebanon and the U.S.-led sanctions regime.
Stroul went on to suggest that “here is the opportunity,” advocating for a proactive approach. She proposed the U.S. begin planning how to “leverage the next outbreak of violence to reinvigorate a political process.” Stroul went on to emphasize that this strategy should include U.S. rapprochement with Turkey, along with maintaining a firm stance on political matters, sanctions, and the denial of reconstruction aid.
The objective has been unwavering: to drive Iran out of Syrian territory and compel Damascus to forsake its alliance with Lebanese Hezbollah. This ambition is more than strategy—it is a vision to reshape the region’s balance of power in favor of Israeli and American interests.
In the aftermath of the HTS’s capture of Aleppo, the United Arab Emirates and the United States seized the moment to push forward their vision of a new Middle East with calculated precision, extending an offer that speaks to the heart of Syria’s struggle: sanctions relief in exchange for severing ties with long-time ally Iran.
Earlier this year, the pro-regime change lobbyist coalition, calling its American Coalition for Syria, held meetings with US officials in Washington during its annual day of advocacy, where there was advocacy for financing al-Qaeda-linked groups. According to a report published by The Grayzone, Republican Florida Sen. Rick Scott’s chief of staff reassured the Syrian opposition advocates that “the Israelis want you guys in charge.”
Analyses from pro-Israeli think tanks, such as the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), portray an Arab League that has shifted its stance to support Damascus. However, this support comes with a calculated purpose: advancing an anti-Iran agenda that aligns seamlessly with the objectives of both the United States and Israel.
The overarching goal is clear—a negotiated settlement in Syria that compels President Bashar al-Assad to sever ties with Iran and halt the flow of weapons to Hezbollah.
Over the past few years, as the war in Syria settled into a stalemate, the Western foreign policy establishment embarked on an effort to rebrand Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). Central to this effort was the reinvention of HTS’s leader, Abu Mohammad al-Julani. Known for his military fatigues, al-Julani reappeared on American television in a dramatically different fashion—donning a suit and presenting himself as a polished, formal leader.
In its analysis of HTS, Washington-based think tank the Center for Strategic and International Studies noted:
HTS’s messaging has clearly publicized its Syrianization measures, counterterrorism campaigns against transnational Islamist groups, and attempts at building a governance structure in northern Idlib. This sustained messaging and the lack of military operations outside areas HTS controls indicate that the group will continue to position itself as a relatively moderate governing force in Syria in an effort to receive international aid, resources, and eventually recognition.”
James Jeffrey, a former U.S. ambassador and Special Representative for Syrian Engagement during the Trump administration, described Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) as “an asset” to U.S. strategy in Idlib.
The rebranding of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham HTS has moved forward despite damning reports of torture and human rights abuses, with the group even targeting journalists in Idlib who were sympathetic to its cause. A 2020 United Nations report cast an even darker shadow, noting that every major faction in Syria, including HTS, has relied on child soldiers to bolster its ranks.
While the United States publicly distances itself from direct involvement in the latest escalation in Syria, the reality is more complex. Openly supporting groups officially designated as terrorist organizations risk embarrassment that Washington would prefer to avoid.
Original article: mintpressnews
