NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen has determined Serbia's place in Europe: «Serbia's future lies in EU and NATO structures» (no one is asking why the future of Serbia, which NATO aircraft bombed in plain view of the entire world for 78 days running, is now being determined by NATO and not by the Serbs themselves).

Serbia, in the words of Fogh Rasmussen, «is a key player in the West Balkan region». And now Brussels has set up another hurdle which Serbia will have to jump on the long road to joining the European Union: membership in NATO as the «best strategic perspective». Therefore we must forget about the NATO bombing of Serbia: «A lot has changed since 1999», says Fogh Rasmussen…

For NATO the results of the 1999 aggression and the extralegal expropriation of part of Serbia's territory (Kosovo and Metohija) are validated by the Brussels Agreement. And the Serbian army, notes the alliance's Secretary General, could still be useful – if it «makes use of NATO's vast experience in transforming armed forces». The thought behind these words can be seen without difficulty: the rearmament of the Serbian army according to NATO standards must exclude armaments cooperation (and not only that) between Serbia and Russia.

In speaking of Serbia's future, the NATO Secretary General clearly indicated that European integration can only be Euro-Atlantic integration. There are no other options. «The fact is,» says Fogh Rasmussen, «that the eligibility criteria for joining the EU are the same as those for cooperation through the Partnership for Peace. Consequently, the EU and NATO complement one another» (emphasis mine. – A.F.) (1). At the same time Rasmussen warned that the alliance will not tolerate deviation from the Brussels agreement: «…the implementation of the agreement is vitally important… we will be prepared to react in the case of any attempt to 'torpedo' its progress» (2). U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Philip Reeker made things even clearer: «Those who impede the implementation of the agreement on the normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia are in essence impeding the policy of the U.S.» (3).

At the same time as the conclusion of negotiations between Belgrade and Priština, as a result of which the institutions and state property of the Republic of Serbia on the territory of Kosovo are being transferred to the regime of Hashim Thaçi, not long ago the new U.S. embassy complex (which cost 140 million dollars to build) was opened in the most prestigious area of Belgrade, Dedinje. Behind the unusual facade of the new 14,000 sq. m. complex lies one of the largest citadels of American intelligence in the Balkans.

An entire era in the history of the Balkans has ended. Its result is, on the one hand, the creation of a huge mass of unemployed young Kosovo Albanians – a reservoir for extremist organizations – and on the other hand, a Serbia which has been artificially driven to the brink of extinction. According to the estimates of specialists, Serbia is entering a period of rapid population decline; out of the current population of 7.5 million people, in ten years only 6 million will remain, 2/3 of which will live in large cities such as Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš and a few others. The majority of villages, if the current economic policy is maintained, will become desolate; there will be even fewer young people and more elderly people, and the healthcare and social security systems will fall into decay. The most recent amendments to the budget mean a decrease in the standard of living for 2.2 million people. (4)

Ahead is a new stage in the development of the Balkans. One of its most important characteristics will be the completion of the military and strategic unification of the region and the creation of an uninterrupted NATO zone of responsibility in the Balkans as a form of «soft» colonialism. The recruitment of Serbia as a member of the alliance will turn it into a foothold for NATO's further advancement into Eurasia…

The signing of an agreement on July 3, 2013 on military cooperation between Kosovo and Albania (which has been a NATO member since 2009) and on the presence of the armed forces of one side on the territory of the other takes on special significance. The agreement defines the procedure for deployment and stationing of troops, as well as the status of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Albania and the Kosovo Security Force (KSF). The main provision is that which defines the right of Albanian (NATO) army units to be stationed on the territory of Kosovo. If Albania and Kosovo were to join forces, an army numbering up to 20,000 could be created, and Priština will receive not only Albanian assistance in training its military personnel, but sea access as well. One must also keep in mind that the land border between Albania and Kosovo is practically nonexistent, as is the border between Kosovo and Macedonia. Albanian Defense Minister Arben Imami emphasizes that the agreement between the two countries was possible thanks to the fact that both are NATO-oriented (5). Thus the «Greater Albania project» in the Balkans is acquiring real military substance, and Serbia is being offered the role of a «silent observer and participant in the creation of Greater Albania» (6).

Recently the situation with regard to safety has abruptly grown worse. On July 7, 2013 a group of armed Albanians, planning to illegally clear a forest, crossed the border between Kosovo and Serbia and opened fire on Serbian gendarmes. Shots were fired over the course of half an hour from various types of firearms, including automatic weapons.

The question of when the south of central Serbia (the municipalities of Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa) will join the «Greater Albanian Union» (it is believed that it will be created in some form by 2016) could be decided in the near future. Immediately after the creation of a Temporary Parliament of the Autonomous Territory of Kosovo and Metohija on July 4, 2013 there followed a statement from the chairman of the municipality of Bujanovac, Jonuz Musliju, who on behalf of the Albanians of the three municipalities in the south of central Serbia demanded the formation of an Albanian parliament of the Preševo valley and urged political leaders and societal forces to consolidate their efforts to achieve this goal.